Lous place by beth johnson summary judgment
Moring, Jr. Wright, Mary Beth C. Wright, H. Allen Wright, Joyce Y. Wright and Carolyn L. Wright; Carmen J. Savoca, Ann D. Strom; James T. Hunter and Mary D. Hunter; Dwain C. Henson and Sandra L. Henson; Allen M. Funk; Norman J. Rish and Mary T. Rish; Angela M. Markley; Walter C. Worsham and Carolyn W. Worsham; Enrico S. Piraino and Giusto Piraino; Otis T. Harrison and Rose C. Harrison; James E. Newman, Jr. Fisher and Joseph R. Canning and Kathleen B. Canning; James D. Reynolds, Jr. White and Rory L.
Snider and Paula D. Snider; William C. Hammond, Jr. McBride and Susan R. McBride, Trustees of the Robert C. McBride and Robert C. McBride, Trustees of the Susan R. Valuska; Barbara W. Belk and Jan C. Belk; Dennis E. Barrett and Wilma J.
Barrett; First Family Properties, Inc. Jones, Sandra D. Huggins and Margaret S. Krouse and Barbara T. Krouse, Judith W. Riley and Patricia C. Heaton and Frances H. Heaton; Robert N. Kelly; H. Keeter and Sandra C. Keeter; Brian R. Nisbet Trustee of the Mary M. Sanders and Rebecca H. Shivell and Nicki M. Shivell, Debra B. Andes and Andrea W. McConnell, Charles W. Fortner, Judith C. Woodson, Warren W. Riggs and Charles G. Mann and Angela M. Mann; Michael Cameron Foster, Sr. Thomson and Arleen S.
Thomson, Robert W. McKeown and Margaret A. McKeown, Norman K. Moon and Barbara W. Moon, David T. McGill and Carol G. McGill, Rick L. Bledsoe and Susan H. Bledsoe, Geoffrey A. Wienke and Pamela L. Wienke, A. Straw and Roxanne B. Pruitt and Howard M. Pruitt, Jr. Blaylock; William C. Covington, Jr.
Schubert and Laraine C. Schubert; Daniel P. Hamer; Boyce F. Miler and Carole L. Miller, Raymond A. Shingler and Louise O. Walker and Erika T. Walker, Kathy W. Underwood, Andrew J. Wingo, Jr. Wingo, Melanie S. Franklin, Lois E. Cooley, Truseee of the Lois E. Cooley Living Trust, B. First, I expected that these five districts would have a large number of cases to review: from to , these districts were among the busiest in the country, as measured by case filings.
First, a Westlaw search could capture no information about the number of cases in which qualified immunity was never raised. In addition, a Westlaw search could not capture information about the number of cases in which qualified immunity was raised by the defendant in his motion but was not addressed by the court in its decision.
Even when a defendant raises a qualified immunity defense and the district court addresses qualified immunity in its decision, the decision may not appear on Westlaw—Westlaw does not capture motions resolved without a written opinion, and includes only those opinions that are selected to appear on the service. I reviewed the dockets of cases filed in and in the five districts in my study.
I reviewed the complaints associated with these 3, dockets and included in my dataset those cases, brought by civilians, alleging constitutional violations by state and local law enforcement agencies and their employees. Of the twenty-nine qualified immunity cases that the Supreme Court has decided since , almost half have involved constitutional claims against state and local law enforcement. Limiting my study to Section cases against state and local law enforcement also creates some substantive consistency across the cases in my dataset.
Most Section cases against state and local law enforcement allege Fourth Amendment violations—excessive force, false arrest, and wrongful searches—and, less frequently, First and Fourteenth Amendment violations. Restricting my study to suits by civilians against state and local law enforcement facilitates direct comparison of outcomes in similar cases across the five districts in my study.
Finally, much of my own prior research has focused on lawsuits against state and local law enforcement, and maintaining this focus here allows for future synthesis of my findings. Although some of my coding decisions were straightforward, others involved less obvious choices. Because my coding decisions may make most sense when reviewed in context, I have described those decisions in detail in the footnotes accompanying the data. My dataset is comprehensive in the five chosen districts.
It includes most—if not all—Section cases filed by civilians against state and local law enforcement in these federal districts over a two-year period, and it offers insights about how frequently qualified immunity is raised in these cases, how courts decide these motions, and how the cases are resolved. There are, however, several limitations of the data. First, although I selected these five districts in part to capture regional variation, they may not represent the full range of court and litigant behavior nationwide.
The marked differences in my data across districts do, however, suggest a considerable degree of regional variation. Second, the data offer no information about the role of qualified immunity in state court litigation. This is in part because Bloomberg Law does not offer much information about the litigation of constitutional cases in state courts.
It may be that the types of constitutional claims often raised in cases against law enforcement—Fourth Amendment claims alleging excessive force, unlawful arrests, and improper searches—are particularly difficult to resolve on qualified immunity grounds in advance of trial.
Fourth Amendment claims may be comparatively easy to plead in a plausible manner and so could survive a motion to dismiss , and such claims may be particularly prone to factual disputes making resolution at summary judgment difficult. If so, perhaps qualified immunity motions in cases raising other types of claims would be more successful.
On the other hand, John Jeffries has argued that it may be particularly difficult to clearly establish that a use of force violates the Fourth Amendment because Fourth Amendment analysis requires a fact-specific inquiry about the nature of the force used and the threat posed by the person against whom force was used, viewed from the perspective of an officer on the scene. Fourth, qualified immunity may be influencing the litigation of constitutional claims in ways that cannot be measured through the examination of case dockets.
Exploration of these issues is critical to a complete understanding of the role qualified immunity plays in constitutional litigation. I discuss these issues in more depth in Part IV, and future research should explore these questions. Moreover, by measuring the frequency with which qualified immunity motions are raised, granted, and dispositive, this Article reveals the extent to which the doctrine functions as the Supreme Court expects and critics fear.
First, the case must be brought against an individual officer and must seek monetary damages. Qualified immunity is not available for claims against municipalities or claims for noneconomic relief. Second, the defendant must raise the qualified immunity defense early enough in the litigation that it can protect him from discovery or trial.
If the defendant seeks to protect himself from discovery, he must raise qualified immunity in a motion to dismiss or a motion for judgment on the pleadings; if a defendant seeks to protect himself from trial, he can raise qualified immunity at the pleadings or at summary judgment.
If qualified immunity is granted for an officer on one claim but not another, that officer will continue to have to participate in the litigation of the case. Even when a grant of qualified immunity results in the dismissal of all claims against a defendant, that defendant may still have to participate in the litigation of claims against other defendants.
To be sure, the government official who has been dismissed from the case may no longer feel the same psychological burdens associated with the litigation and may have lesser discovery burdens than he would have had as a defendant. But the grant of qualified immunity will not necessarily shield him from the burdens of participating in discovery and trial. This Part describes my findings regarding the frequency with which each of these conditions is met.
I empirically examine six topics: 1 the number of cases in which qualified immunity can be raised by defendants; 2 the number of cases in which defendants choose to raise qualified immunity; 3 the stage s of litigation at which defendants raise qualified immunity; 4 the ways in which district courts decide qualified immunity motions; 5 the frequency and outcome of qualified immunity appeals; and 6 the frequency with which qualified immunity is the reason that a case ends before discovery or trial.
My findings regarding these six topics show that, at least in filed cases, qualified immunity rarely functions as expected. Defendants raised qualified immunity in Defendants were particularly disinclined to raise qualified immunity in motions to dismiss: they did so in only Qualified immunity was the reason for dismissal in just 3. The remainder of this Part describes each of these findings in more detail. The Supreme Court has held that qualified immunity does not apply to claims against municipalities and claims for injunctive or declaratory relief.
In my docket dataset of 1, cases, ninety-nine cases 8. In these cases, qualified immunity is unnecessary to protect defendants from discovery and trial. In the five districts in my docket dataset, 8. Qualified immunity can only protect government officials from discovery and trial in cases in which government defendants can raise the defense.
Defendants could not raise qualified immunity in 8. Qualified immunity was unnecessary to shield government officials from discovery or trial in another 8. Accordingly, defendants could raise a qualified immunity defense in a total of Accordingly, this Section examines the frequency with which defendants raise qualified immunity and the stage of litigation at which they raise the defense. The frequency with which defendants raised qualified immunity varied substantially by district.
Defendants in the Northern District of California brought qualified immunity motions in I also explored the stage s of litigation at which qualified immunity was raised. Of the cases in which qualified immunity was raised at least once, defendants in ninety-five Based on my review of motions and opinions available on Bloomberg Law, I can confirm only three cases in which defendants included qualified immunity in a motion at or after trial for judgment as a matter of law.
My data almost certainly underrepresent the role qualified immunity plays at or after trial, however, as Bloomberg Law does not include oral motions or court decisions issued without a written opinion. In cases where defendants brought one or more qualified immunity motions, defendants in There is, however, regional variation in this regard. Defendants in the Middle District of Florida were equally likely to raise qualified immunity at the pleadings stage and at summary judgment, whereas in the Northern District of Ohio and the Northern District of California defendants were more than three times more likely to raise qualified immunity at summary judgment than they were to raise the defense in a motion to dismiss.
Defendants in the Middle District of Florida were also more likely to raise qualified immunity at more than one stage of litigation—they raised qualified immunity at multiple stages of litigation in nineteen Defendants in the other districts less frequently raised qualified immunity at multiple stages of litigation; they did so in six I additionally sought to calculate how frequently defendants chose to raise qualified immunity motions in all the cases in which such motions could be brought.
This calculation is relatively straightforward regarding motions to dismiss. Defendants could have brought motions to dismiss on qualified immunity grounds in any of the cases in which the defense could be raised and did so in Calculating the number of possible summary judgment motions on qualified immunity grounds is more complicated.
Although defendants could bring a summary judgment motion in any case in which they could offer some evidence in support, defendants generally do not move for summary judgment without first engaging in at least some formal discovery.
If entry of a case management order can serve as an indication that a case has entered discovery, and if one accepts that defendants in cases that have conducted some discovery could move for summary judgment, then there are cases in my dataset in which defendants could have moved for summary judgment.
Defendants brought summary judgment motions on qualified immunity grounds in I also calculated the total number of qualified immunity motions brought by defendants. Defendants sometimes raised qualified immunity in multiple motions to dismiss or summary judgment motions that were resolved by the court in separate opinions: if, for example, defendants moved to dismiss on qualified immunity grounds, the court granted the motion with leave to amend, and the plaintiff filed an amended complaint, the defendants might again move to dismiss on qualified immunity grounds.
Table 4 reflects the stage of litigation at which these motions were brought and, again, reflects that defendants file significantly more qualified immunity motions at summary judgment than at the motion to dismiss stage. Of the qualified immunity motions filed, Table 5 shows that when defendants raise qualified immunity they usually do so in only one motion, but that defendants in the Southern District of Texas and Middle District of Florida are more likely than defendants in the other three districts to file multiple motions raising qualified immunity.
Finally, I explored how frequently defendants raise other types of defenses in motions to dismiss or for judgment on the pleadings and in summary judgment motions. Qualified immunity is usually one of several arguments defendants make in their motions to dismiss and for summary judgment. Indeed, defendants sometimes move to dismiss or for summary judgment without raising qualified immunity at all. Of the cases in my docket dataset in which defendants could raise qualified immunity, defendants filed a total of motions to dismiss, and Motions to dismiss or for judgment on the pleadings that did not raise qualified immunity argued instead that the complaint did not satisfy plausibility pleading requirements, concerned a claim that was barred by a criminal conviction, or otherwise did not state a legally cognizable claim.
Defendants filed motions for summary judgment, and There was some variation among the districts in this area as well, although the regional variation was less pronounced here than in other aspects of qualified immunity litigation practice. As I have shown, qualified immunity is almost always raised in conjunction with other arguments in motions to dismiss or for summary judgment. My focus here is on the way the district court evaluates the qualified immunity argument.
Table 6 reflects the way in which district courts resolved those motions. In another Courts in 5. And district courts in my study did not decide The Southern District of Texas had the lowest rate of qualified immunity denials The Southern District of Texas also had the highest rate of qualified immunity grants: courts in the Southern District of Texas granted In contrast, courts in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania granted only 6.
Twenty-one Of the summary judgment motions raising qualified immunity, courts granted Fifty-eight In other words, although courts were equally likely to grant summary judgment motions and motions to dismiss, courts were more likely to grant summary judgment motions on qualified immunity grounds than they were to grant motions to dismiss on qualified immunity grounds.
But courts more often than not granted both types of motions on grounds other than qualified immunity. Defendants can appeal denials of qualified immunity immediately, and any qualified immunity decision can be appealed after a final judgment in the case. The Impact of Qualified Immunity on Case Dispositions A final question concerns the frequency with which a grant of qualified immunity results in the dismissal of Section cases. There are multiple ways to frame this inquiry.
First, there is the question of which cases should be counted in the numerator—cases dismissed on qualified immunity grounds. I have included qualified immunity grants in this category unless the court ended its qualified immunity analysis after concluding that the plaintiff could not establish a constitutional violation, or granted the motion on qualified immunity in the alternative. Although the question of whether a constitutional violation occurred is the first step of the qualified immunity analysis, the court would also need to resolve this question in the absence of qualified immunity.
One might assume that a grant of qualified immunity will always end a case. Yet there are multiple scenarios in which a case can continue after a grant of qualified immunity. At the pleadings stage, a court may grant a motion to dismiss on qualified immunity but also grant the plaintiff an opportunity to amend her complaint. Of those fifty-three motions, thirty-four Half of qualified immunity grants at the pleadings stage led to case dismissals, and Defendants brought forty-one interlocutory appeals of qualified immunity denials, and courts of appeals reversed five All five reversals were of summary judgment decisions, and four of the five resulted in case dismissals.
In total, qualified immunity led to dismissal of thirty-eight cases in my dataset. The next question, when thinking about the impact of qualified immunity on case disposition, is how to frame the denominator—the universe of cases against which to measure the cases dismissed on qualified immunity grounds. It is my view that the broadest definition of the denominator—all 1, Section cases filed against law enforcement—offers the most accurate picture of the role qualified immunity plays in Section litigation.
Yet, as I will show, there are at least three ways to frame the denominator, and each answers a different question about the extent to which qualified immunity achieves its intended goals. Presumably, a defendant will only bring a qualified immunity motion when two conditions are met: he has a non-frivolous basis for the motion, and he believes that the costs of bringing the motion are justified by the likelihood of success or some other benefit associated with the motion.
Accordingly, this framework assesses the frequency with which qualified immunity results in the dismissal of cases in which both these things are true. Defendants brought qualified immunity motions in a total of cases in the five districts in my study: defendants raised qualified immunity in motions to dismiss and raised qualified immunity in summary judgment motions. Courts granted 9.
Courts granted Defendants brought forty-one interlocutory appeals of qualified immunity denials, courts of appeals reversed five In total, thirty-eight 8. Another way to assess the impact of qualified immunity on case outcomes is to examine what percentage of the cases in my dataset in which qualified immunity could be raised were in fact dismissed on qualified immunity grounds.
One objection to this framing might be that it includes cases that defendants declined to challenge on qualified immunity grounds. But qualified immunity motions would not necessarily have failed in these cases; rather, defendants in these cases concluded that the costs of raising the defense were not justified by the likelihood of success or other benefits of bringing the motions.
Moreover, this broader framework illustrates the frequency with which qualified immunity doctrine serves its intended and expected role of shielding government officials from burdens associated with discovery and trial. Evaluated in this manner, qualified immunity is less frequently successful. Qualified immunity was the basis for dismissal in 3. Indeed, to evaluate fully the role that qualified immunity plays in the resolution of constitutional claims against law enforcement, the most appropriate denominator is the complete universe of 1, cases in my dataset.
This approach includes cases that could not be resolved on qualified immunity grounds—because the cases were either brought only against municipalities or sought only equitable relief. How, then, are Section suits against law enforcement resolved? Table 12 reports case outcomes for the 1, cases in the five districts in my study.
Thirty-eight 3. Instead, my data reflect the frequency with which a grant of qualified immunity formally ends a case. There is, once again, marked regional variation in the frequency with which qualified immunity leads to the dismissal of Section actions. Accordingly, in this Part I consider the implications of my findings for ongoing discussions about the proper scope of qualified immunity in relation to its underlying purposes. Next, I consider why qualified immunity disposes of so few cases before trial.
Finally, I suggest that qualified immunity doctrine should be adjusted to comport with available evidence about the role the doctrine plays in constitutional litigation. Commentators similarly believe that qualified immunity is often raised by defendants, usually granted by courts, and causes many cases to be dismissed. Defendants could not or did not need to raise qualified immunity in Defendants raised qualified immunity in motions to dismiss and motions for judgment on the pleadings in only As a result, just seven of the 1, cases in my docket dataset were dismissed at the motion to dismiss stage on qualified immunity grounds.
Qualified immunity more often prevented cases from proceeding past summary judgment. Defendants were more likely to include qualified immunity in motions for summary judgment than in motions to dismiss, and courts were more likely to grant summary judgment motions than motions to dismiss on qualified immunity grounds. Yet qualified immunity motions at the summary judgment stage rarely shield government officials from discovery because most summary judgment motions require at least some depositions or document exchange.
Qualified immunity is likely raised more often at or after trial than my data suggest. But even if many more qualified immunity motions are made during or after trial, and even if qualified immunity regularly convinces judges and juries to enter defense verdicts, qualified immunity would still fail to serve its expected role. Qualified immunity doctrine is intended to shield government officials from burdens associated with litigation and trial.
A grant of qualified immunity entered during or after trial has come too late to shield government officials from these assumed burdens. My data demonstrate considerable regional differences in the litigation and adjudication of qualified immunity across the country.
Scholars have observed that the federal circuits interpret qualified immunity standards differently. But even in the Southern District of Texas—the district in my dataset most likely to dismiss cases on qualified immunity grounds—just 2. Although qualified immunity is rarely the reason that Section cases end, there are other ways in which qualified immunity doctrine might influence the litigation of constitutional claims against law enforcement.
For example, qualified immunity may discourage people from ever filing suit. For example, it may be that a pending qualified immunity motion will cause a plaintiff to settle her claims. Consistent with this theory, seventy-five But these are certainly ways in which qualified immunity could achieve this goal. A complete understanding of the frequency with which qualified immunity protects government officials from discovery and trial would measure these other potential litigation effects.
For the time being, available evidence suggests that qualified immunity may make it more difficult for plaintiffs to secure representation and may encourage plaintiffs to settle, but it is infrequently the formal reason that cases end. Consistent with this theory, defendants raised qualified immunity in more than one-third of the Section cases in which the defense could be asserted, and courts granted Ultimately, qualified immunity resulted in the dismissal of only 3.
Although the threat of qualified immunity may cause some people not to sue, this selection effect does not explain why qualified immunity plays such a limited role in the resolution of motions raising qualified immunity and in the disposition of cases that are filed. My data suggest two additional explanations for why qualified immunity disposes of so few cases: the doctrine is not well suited to dismiss many claims before trial, and qualified immunity is often unnecessary to serve its intended role.
Qualified Immunity Is Ill Suited To Dispose of Cases Qualified immunity motions are infrequently dispositive in part because the doctrine is ill suited to dispose of many cases before trial. As one district judge from the Middle District of Tennessee observed, The rationale for the existence of qualified immunity is to avoid imposing needless discovery costs upon government officials, so determining whether the immunity applies must be made at an early stage in the litigation.
At the same time, the determination of qualified immunity is usually dependent on the facts of the case, and, at the pleadings stage of the litigation, there is scant factual record available to the court. Since plaintiffs are not required to anticipate a qualified immunity defense in their pleadings, and since at this stage of the litigation the exact contours of the right at issue—and thus the degree to which it is clearly established—are unclear, the Sixth Circuit advises that qualified immunity should usually be determined pursuant to a summary judgment motion rather than a motion to dismiss.
In the five districts in my study, courts repeatedly found that factual disputes prevented summary judgment on qualified immunity grounds. Yet the same courts found that factual disputes made summary judgment inappropriate. Pauly provides additional anecdotal evidence of this underappreciated phenomenon.
In White v. Yet the decision in White v.

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Lous place by beth johnson summary judgment | The case was tried to a jury in the Union County Superior Court over the course of 7 trial days. Defendants brought summary judgment motions on here immunity grounds in Further exploration of dynamics unobservable through my dataset could reveal other ways in which qualified immunity influences the litigation of civil rights actions against law enforcement. Qualified immunity may, in fact, increase the costs and delays associated with constitutional litigation. The first—and frequently repeated—justification for qualified immunity is that it protects government officials from the burdens of financial liability. My findings regarding these six topics show that, at least in filed cases, qualified immunity rarely functions as expected. |
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