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Yet, there is only one lab facility in the GTA specifically designed to contain highly infectious diseases, and it stands in need of renewal. The funding is a step in the right direction, but it will take more for Canada to remain globally competitive in health innovation.
In comparison, countries around the globe are making massive investments in biomedical infrastructure. In , the U. From what they knew about the transmissibility and severity of this new virus, it was clear that Canada needed to prepare for the fight of the century against this alarming health threat.
Since , a relatively unknown lab facility specifically designed to contain highly infectious diseases, known as a CL-3 lab, had been quietly operating at the University of Toronto. In early , the lab housed a small number of researchers and graduate students who spent their days studying those pathogens, as well as viruses such as rabies, Zika and West Nile.
It was one of the few facilities that could do this, as many CL-3 labs had wound down or closed after the SARS pandemic. Even the national gambling prevalence surveys consistently demonstrate the highest levels of problem gambling amongst those who are within the 25—34 age group. Those in the age group of 16 to 24 typically represent the second highest group of problem gamblers and the highest group for those who are at risk.
Despite that, the statutory definition of who is vulnerable only explicitly includes children, to the exclusion of young persons. One of the immediate consequences of this omission can be seen in the lack of specific data for young persons. The Young People Omnibus targets children and the national surveys includes 16 and 17 year-olds within the broader 16 to 24 age category. This makes it impossible to estimate gambling prevalence amongst those who are still lawfully not allowed to participate in most forms of gambling but who are coming close to the legal age of majority.
It also prevents the identification of any issues that may be specific to this age group and does not allow us to ascertain the specific impact of lotteries, football pools and scratchcards, which are permitted from the age of Other risk factors are more generic. Being of male gender or having pre-existing vulnerabilities in information processing powers have all been found to increase the risk of developing problem gambling.
High comorbidity rates exist between gambling and other risky behaviours such as smoking, alcohol consumption, 67 unsafe sexual practices or the consumption of illicit drugs. While no clear correlation was found for young females, significantly more women who drank either heavily or moderately were involved in gambling than was the case for those who did not drink. While For other substances, the proportions also increased: in smokers, from However, this demonstrates that concurrent addictions increase the vulnerability of affected individuals and expand the overall group as a whole.
Pathological gambling has also been linked with experiences of a traumatic event prior to the onset of the disorder. While no empirical data can show that such events directly led to the illness, many studies confirmed that they would have contributed to it.
It is also an activity that can be done alone. A visit to a casino with the associated buzz of visual and audio stimulants may mask the feeling of loneliness, even if only temporarily. Gambling problems are also easier to hide, at least in the initial stages of the disorder, and there is the inherent allure in the glamour of many of the gambling venues.
They tend to be warm and have sanitary facilities that are easier to access than in many other public places. Those factors contribute to the popularity of betting venues amongst another group categorised as vulnerable, that is, the homeless. Homelessness is statutorily defined by section of the Housing Act 79 as the lack of suitable accommodation that can be freely occupied and secured to the exclusion of others by the relevant person under either ownership or another legal entitlement.
Such accommodation must be of sufficient quality to make it reasonable to expect the occupant to remain in occupation. Those who live in hostels, those who rely on the generosity of friends, necessitating frequent moves, and those who can afford only dilapidated conditions often experience real feelings of homelessness even though they do not satisfy the statutory threshold. Amongst those who are homeless, many suffer from severe gambling problems and the proportion of those affected in this category is materially higher than is the case for the general population.
For example, in England, Regulation 17 on Anti-Corruption and Betting of the Rugby Football Union prohibits parties involved in a particular competition or series of competitions either as a player, coach of the players, support personnel or anyone acting in similar capacity to bet or procure bets on their behalf on a given event. Similar prohibitions are imposed by many other sporting associations, but they do not prevent many players from participating in gambling, either in breach of the regulation or on events that are not included within the prohibitions.
Instances of such gambling are not infrequently reported in the news 85 and some have led to disciplinary proceedings and punishments against the involved parties, but many are likely to remain unnoticed. Finally, the risks of problem gambling amongst prison inmates have also been estimated to be five to 10 times higher than is the case for the generic population. All of the aforementioned groups appear to be vulnerable due to different reasons but they bear many similarities.
The cumulative effect of personal characteristics of competitiveness, risk-taking attitudes, the need for excitement, high impulsiveness coupled with external pressures, for example, to escape loneliness or boredom or the inability to cope with a variety of stressful life events are common to all.
It can also be seen that if we capture all the risk factors and all potential vulnerable groups of individuals, as identified by the empirical knowledge, one cannot escape the conclusion that vulnerability to gambling-related harm can potentially affect most people at any point in time and focusing on individual pathology is not helpful. This, further, exposes the reasons why the majority of regulatory interventions seem to have little impact on actual levels of problem gambling 89 and emphasises the need to acknowledge that everyone may find themselves at risk at some point in their life trajectory.
This may then pave a way towards more studies that aim to identify the specific trigger points that lead gamblers to cross the line between harmless gambling and compulsive behaviour and focus less on generic risk factors that seem to incorporate most of the population. Structural and psychosocial aspects of gambling materially contribute to the overall attractiveness of this form of leisure. This, in turn, contributes to the potential development of problem gambling.
Games that incorporate more of such gambling-inducing components are deemed to represent a higher addiction risk than those that include fewer of them. Short pay-out intervals and rapid event frequencies are interrelated and jointly refer to the time period required to find out the results, receive any rewards or process reinforcement messages, if any, and be able to move from one gambling episode to the next.
This time period dictates the minimum length of post-reinforcement pauses and they vary materially between different games. Slot machines, online slot machines, roulette, online in-game betting and scratchcards have the shortest mandatory post-reinforcement pauses, whereas traditional lotteries and offline betting on sport events requiring a visit to a betting shop to place a bet or to cash out any winnings, have the longest.
Entrapment refers to a state of mind of players who feel that they have invested too much already into the gambling activity and cannot stop unless they win. This is not confined to financial expenditure but extends to time and emotional investments that may make players unwilling to stop. Some of the lottery features and advertising techniques also tap into the potential to generate such feelings in their players. This make them think, albeit for a short period of time, that they have in fact won a potentially large jackpot or another significant prize.
For example, in traditional scratchcards, revealing three symbols entitles the player to win a prize. Revealing two symbols amounts to a near miss, especially if other symbols remain hidden. Traditionally, a lottery player was only entitled to a pay-out when they correctly guessed three out of six numbers on any given line. Now, guessing two numbers also entitles the player to receive a small reward as they are entitled to play again for free. The frustration theory derives its support from physiobiological research that measured skin conductance responses during a gambling episode.
This was mostly noticeable when the first two symbols were stopping on the reel. Stange et al. This must stem from the structural properties of the gambling product itself, as opposed to the personal character of the gambler, but the industry is essentially free to exploit these features, subject only to minimal regulatory requirements that relate to fairness, transparency and some limited expectations on interruptions of prolonged plays. In the UK, online gambling participation is rapidly increasing and this trend is likely to continue.
The Gambling Commission reported in February that, currently, The UK regulatory framework treats online gambling in an equivalent manner to its offline counterpart. Indeed, upon the introduction of the Gambling Act , online providers were treated more favourably than their offline partners. The recognition of foreign licensing regimes was removed by the Gambling Licensing and Advertising Act , and now all providers, regardless of their locations, need to apply for a UK gambling licence in the same manner as land-based operators.
The liberal approach towards remote forms of gambling reflects the confidence placed in the effectiveness of regulatory controls, but jurisdictional approaches differ. Some countries attempt to restrict online gambling availability even if their land-based regulations are permissive. For example, Australia permits all forms of offline commercial gambling provided that the operator has the appropriate licence, but the provision of several games of chance on the Internet by anyone who is physically located in Australia or in any designated country is prohibited by the Australian Interactive Gambling Act The main exception to permitted remote betting refers to in-play wagers.
This remains prohibited. In-play, otherwise called in-game betting refers to bets that are placed on a sport event after the particular event has already commenced. However, a loophole in their legislation permitted in-game betting if such bets were placed over the phone as opposed to online. Uncertainty also existed with regards to online poker. Some support was given to this point of view in the South Australian decision in Police v Jones where the court restated that poker involves skill and as it does not depend wholly on chance it should be treated separately.
It received Australian Senate approval in March and clarified that casino games prohibited by the Act include poker. The Bill also closed the loophole that previously allowed telephone in-game bets in order to outlaw all forms of remote in-play betting. The Interstate Horseracing Act arguably continues to exempt online betting on horse racing as long as such betting is permitted by the individual State where the bet is placed and by the State, if different, where the race takes place.
Despite several high-profile arrests and prosecutions for breaches of the Act, it has had a very limited success. This does not mean that online gambling does not present unique challenges. The specificity of this environment makes it prima facie very attractive to those who suffer from problem gambling, and while evidence remains inconclusive, it may accelerate the development of the disorder. The features that may be particularly gambling inducing can be grouped into two broad categories: 1 the omnipresence of gambling websites with hour access and accelerated speed of play; and 2 the unique online gambling experience that may be far removed from social monitoring.
The issue of omnipresence relates to aspects well beyond the mere ubiquity of gambling opportunities on the Internet. In the UK, offline betting venues and adult gaming entertainment centres are highly prevalent on almost every High Street. As of September , there were 8, betting shops and bingo premises. In other words, they are available at times and locations that other gambling premises even though they are also very widespread are not available or are closed.
Some websites require the customers to download their gambling software onto their computers but many allow instant play. If, as argued by Welte et al. Initial online access is further facilitated by the removal of the cooling-off period and the permissibility of playing instantly and even before the age verification has been completed.
The cooling-off period that applied to land-based casinos prior to the Gambling Act required all players to register 24 hours before they were permitted into the premises to gamble but this has now been removed. The time that may be needed to age verify remote customers does not prevent players from starting to gamble immediately upon registration either, as operators have 72 hours during which the customer needs to be identified.
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